Buying Trouble
Macius and Quiaius: The Historical Evidence - by Gloriana Reginata
Here follow two extracts from the Letters of Pliny the Younger, with apologies to the faithful translator, Betty Radice, and in full recognition of her copyright to the sections quoted below.
Pliny was left a wealthy orphan upon the death of his famous uncle, Pliny the Elder, in the eruption of Mount Vesuvius which buried the city of Pompeii. He practiced law in Rome, pleading important cases before the Senate, before being appointed governor of Bithynia. He was married three times but had no children, and was survived by his last wife, Calpurnia.
Pliny himself collected his Letters in an early instance of vanity publishing. Recipients included Suetonius, the poet and mystic; and Tacitus, political commentator and famed historian.
Tacitus also practiced law with Pliny, though he is best known for his study of the military campaigns of his father-in-law, Agricola, the governor of Britain who almost managed to extend Roman rule into Scotland during his tenure there. We must thank Professor Barbour, a noted expert, for his learned footnotes on ancient Caledonian culture.
Book II Letter 11.5 To Suetonius Tranquillus
I am glad to hear that you are well-settled in your new villa. It may not have extensive grounds, but scholars turned landowners need no more land than will suffice to clear their heads and refresh their eyes. Still, I hope for your swift return to Rome.
The city is buzzing with the return of troops from the campaigns in Caledonia, and the scandalous behavior of the disgraced proconsul of Africa, Marius Priscus.
I was honoured to be chosen, together with Tacitus, to prosecute Priscus in front of the entire Senate, with the Emperor himself presiding. You can imagine our nervous anxiety at having to speak on such a subject in an assembly of this kind. The charge was brought by the province of Africa under the aegis of the current proconsul, Macius Uinidius, who though well-respected for his honesty and plain-speaking is too forthright for the liking of some Senators. For this reason, there was much sympathy for Priscus, despite the clear evidence that he had accepted bribes to sentence innocent persons to punishment and even death.
However, I met with a warm reception to make up for my fears, and my speech lasted for nearly three hours [1]. The Emperor showed such an attentive and kindly interest in me that more than once, when he fancied I was putting too much strain on my rather delicate constitution, he suggested to my freedman that I should spare my voice and lungs. Together with Tacitus' closing speech, our arguments were persuasive enough that we succeeded in swaying the Senate to a verdict commensurate with the monstrosity of such criminal offenses. Macius, who happened upon us at the baths today, was kind enough to thank us sincerely for our efforts on his behalf. I can hope for his favour in my application for a priesthood next year.
Macius was eager to discuss with Tacitus the experiences of his cousins Panakus and RiiDii during the campaigns in the north, hoping that Tacitus would incorporate them into Tacitus' revised history of Julius Agricola, so I left them to their conversation. I myself am somewhat exasperated with the whole issue of the war in Caledonia, for since Agricola was summarily relieved of his position there by the Emperor Domitianus in a fit of jealousy, the situation has deteriorated badly. The Celtic tribes are more determined to resist Roman rule than were the Germanii or the Gauls [2]; though there are rumours still of a small number of Gauls hiding in a forest village, fortified by a magic potion which makes them invincible in battle.
Certainly there is no sign of any potent magic amongst the starved and filthy prisoners our soldiers drag back with them from their postings in Caledonia. The Celts I have seen shackled in the streets are dressed only in rags, their fair skins blistered by the sun which I understand rarely shines in their homeland [3]. They are an odd sight, with their blue eyes and curling, reddish hair, but they seem much unsuited to accepting their positions as slaves, shouting defiance in barbarous languages at the citizens passing by. A number of them are now to be found in the gladiatorial pits: perhaps they will fight as well there as they do against the soldiers who bring them into Rome, since we seem to be slowly losing all the territories Agricola won with such hard sacrifices. There is now talk in certain circles of building a great fortification between Caledonia and the rest of Britannia, to keep the Celts out of the lands civilised by our rule.
On my way out of the baths I exchanged greetings with your old patron, Quiaius Junius, who was on his way to lend a book on Caesar to Macius. I was struck once again by the unusual color of his eyes, which in retrospect have somewhat of the appearance of the northern Celts. But it is a sad thing to see this once powerful figure of a man now so prematurely aged. He is friendly enough in manner, and still capable of marshalling a good argument, but I cannot help remembering the dream you recounted to me after his wife's funeral. You said that he appeared to you bleeding from many wounds, his head bowed, his toga rent and his sandals gone, an empty gaping hole in his chest. You know I am skeptical of such visions and auguries, even if they are yours, my good friend, but I fear you had the right of it.
So much for the city. Now give me news of the country – how are your fruit trees and your vines? Unless you answer me in as long a letter as this, you can expect nothing in future but the shortest note.
With best regards,
Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus
1. This contrasts with other research, which demonstrates that Roman (or indeed any other) audiences were physically incapable of paying attention for more than eighty minutes. It has been suggested that Pliny may have been using a candle clock which indicates the passage of time by burning down through marked divisions. An excess of carbon dioxide would slow the rate of burning, thus making a speech seem interminable. (F Castro: Windy Speeches and Their Receptions, Glossolalia Press, 1950-1995) back to text
2. It can be noted that the Celtic tribes have traditionally resisted any rule, including their own. (A Barbour: Celtic Knotwork, or the Politics of the Caledonian Tribes, 1963) back to text
3. Pliny is incorrect here. There are at least three recorded instances of the sun shining in Caledonia during the classical period, and some authorities estimate that the actual number of sunny days may have been closer to six. (T Pratchett: A Study of Granny Weatherwax's Almanac and its uses in Inter-Cosmological Meteorology, AnkhMorpork Press, 1985) back to text
Book VI Letter 16.5 To Cornelius Tacitus
Thank you for asking me to send you a description of my uncle's death so that you can leave an accurate account of it for posterity. I know that immortal fame awaits him if his death is recorded by you. I have sent you in a separate letter all the details of that most violent eruption of Mount Vesuvius, the heroic actions of my uncle and the tragic loss of life in Pompeii. It is for you to select what best suits your purpose, for there is a great difference between a letter to a friend and history written for all to read. I am glad to hear that you will be able to start upon it as soon as you have completed your revisions to your history of Agricola.
Upon that subject, you may be interested to know that Suetonius' patron, Quiaius Junius, has acquired a Celtic slave who was brought down by our troops from Caledonia. The boy had passed into the hands of Wattovius, that old Greek Judean who trades slaves from his shop on the Via Principia. They say Quiaius has taught him to speak a little Latin, so you may be able to question him on the manners and habits of those northern tribes, though I doubt that he is old enough to know much about the political structures of the Celts, or their earliest campaigns against Agricola.
I proposed such a plan to Quiaius himself, having come across him near the temple of Saturnius. He was much changed from the man we met a few months ago, seemingly more alert and aware; his hair was tidily brushed and his toga had been repaired by neat stitching. It was good to see him restored to the comportment expected of a Roman citizen. That air of melancholy which used to distinguish him was also much alleviated; nor did he seem so advanced in years once he had begun to laugh at a witty pleasantry of mine [1].
However, I was surprised to find him unforthcoming at my suggestion that you interrogate his slave; indeed, his face turned grim and forbidding when I proposed it, and he towered over me in a most threatening manner. I had forgotten quite what a colossus he is. He grew even more taciturn when we were joined by Gaius Adius Mundi, who was leading the ceremonies in the temple that day, and his loquacious priest CiiiPo. The talk turned to the many religious cults now infiltrating good Roman society from far distant parts of the Empire. It is bad enough that we find the 'shaven linen-clad' priests of Isis on our streets daily; but they say that the army is now fully one half made up of men worshipping the Persian god Mithras, and in provinces such as Bithynia there are even more degenerate cults carried to extravagant lengths, including the Syrian Atargatians and those Hebraic Christians. It would be a sad day if such cults were to be seen in Rome. When we questioned Quiaius about the ritual ceremonies of his barbarian slave, whom we presumed to follow the arcane Druidic rites described by Caesar, he grew most agitated and left us abruptly.
All was explained, however, upon my later visit to Macius' house. It turns out that Quiaius is thoroughly enamoured of his new slave, treating the boy to honeyed cakes and fine clothes, and conducting himself like a besotted schoolboy [2]. I ventured to express my disapproval of this odious Greek habit of taking catamites, with which Quiaius was probably contaminated during his sojourn studying in Athens. But Macius took offence on his behalf, declaring that the lad had wrought a most miraculous change in Quiaius, which was to be welcomed whatever its cause.
Upon reflection, I must concede this point. Others may take Quiaius for a fool, lauding the boy beyond all that could be deemed proper of a Roman and a citizen, but we cannot help but yield to the charms of these young people. I am sure some of my friends must mock me for my own devotion to my dear young wife, Calpurnia. She is gone to stay in the countryside with her father to recover her health, and you cannot believe how much I miss her. I am not used to separations, so I stay awake most of the night thinking of her, and by day I find my feet carrying me to her room; then finding it empty I depart, as sick and sorrowful as a lover locked out. The only time I am free from this misery is when I am in court, wearing myself out in my friends' lawsuits. You can judge then what a life I am leading, when I find my rest in work and my distractions in troubles and anxiety.
With warmest affection,
Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus
1. The scholarly search for a genuinely funny joke emanating from Pliny's pen continues apace. A promising witticism was presented to the Annual Meeting of Anglican Religious Educators, an association of current-day Latin teachers, who described it as "not a patch on Catullus", although they declined to identify the precise part of Catullus involved. (Minutes, October 1999, Bournemouth) back to text
2. See AMARE, op. cit. back to text
THE END
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